One of the Major Sources of Wealth of the Merovingian Family Was Its

Mythologized and circumscribed for over 1500 years, the Merovingians were a powerful Frankish dynasty, which exercised control much of modern-day France, Germany, Switzerland, Austria, and the Low Countries. During the Early Middle Ages, the Merovingian kingdoms were arguably the virtually powerful and most important polities to emerge later on the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, blending Gallo-Roman institutions with Germanic Frankish customs. Recent discoveries and new research in the field of mortuary archaeology — the report of how cultures treat the dead and what they believe well-nigh the afterlife — has renewed considerable interest in the Merovingians.

In this feature interview, James Blake Wiener of the Aboriginal History Encyclopedia speaks to Dr. Bonnie Effros, a Professor of History at the University of Florida, about the ways in which the "archaeology of the dead" can help rewrite an of import affiliate in European history.

JW: Dr. Bonnie Effros, it is a pleasure and privilege to welcome you to the Ancient History Encyclopedia! The Merovingians (c. 457-751 CE) played a crucial role in Western Europe'south transition from "ancient" to "medieval," and I am very excited to learn more through archæology nearly their civilization and politics.

I would like to brainstorm by asking y'all a question that has long interested me: Why did Merovingian kings habiliment their hair long as a ritual custom? Was it symbolic of male virility and martial prowess on the battlefield?

Be: For more than a century, modernistic historians have written about the Franks (as opposed to other Germanic kings) as the "long-haired" kings based on references fabricated by Gregory of Tours (c. 538-594 CE), Agathias (c. 530-582/594 CE), and authors of a diverseness of saints' Lives dated from the early medieval menses. Following these writers, they viewed the Franks' long pilus as an essential chemical element of their royal power. Indeed, according to Merovingian historians and hagiographers, if one wanted to overthrow a Merovingian king, the act usually necessitated cut his hair, and indeed tonsuring him like a monk, so that he could no longer legitimately occupy the throne of one of the Frankish kingdoms.

Historians, especially in mod Germany, have thus traditionally understood the Merovingian kings' long hair as physical symbol of what they believed was sacral ability; a status that marked them equally having special or even magical powers that predated and survived long by King Clovis' early sixth century CE conversion to Christianity. In the last decade or then, however, some scholars have questioned our reliance on this image of Merovingian kings, since information technology seems to suggest that the Franks had not fully embraced Christianity fifty-fifty by the late sixth century CE. They suggest instead that while the Frankish kings may have indeed worn their pilus long, an image preserved most famously in the signet ring preserved in Childeric I's mound grave (c. 481/2 CE) in Tournai, Belgium, its interpretation had steadily changed over time. Rather than existence seen as a source of magical or pre-Christian power, equally some Carolingian authors suggested, long hair, which had a role in Judeo-Christian tradition too (think Samson!) was fully integrated into the Frankish leaders' powers as Christian kings.

"There are many reasons why one might want to study the Merovingians…I think they take great relevance to understanding Franco-High german relations in the by century and a half…Therefore, work on the Merovingians tin tell us much almost not just the Early on Middle Ages merely our own fourth dimension also."

JW: Much of your inquiry involving the Merovingians has pertained to mortuary archeology. This is a challenging area of inquiry as it requires you to blend history with archaeology, and anthropology with art history.

What can mortuary archaeology tell us almost the history of the Frankish kingdoms, in one case we strip away centuries of Carolingian propaganda, modern nationalism, and centuries of significant social change?

Exist: One of the challenges offered past mortuary archeology is that we rarely discover burials in connectedness with the grave markers that might have once existed to identify the occupants of item sepulchers. Thus, for near 2 centuries, archaeologists accept wrestled with the question of how to read the contents of early medieval graves, which were not bundled by chance (as in the case of the expressionless from a natural disaster, such as at Pompeii) merely by survivors. The beginning point, then, to keep in mind is that graves are not mirrors of the lives of those buried within them just rather of the social relationships held by that individual to family unit, supporters, and other interested parties.

Second, nosotros should keep in mind that the virtually frequent trend on the function of archaeologists, particularly in the 19th century CE, an epoch of modernistic nation building, was to recollect foremost about the ethnicity of the dead. When graves were uncovered by engineers or agricultural workers, whether during the building of railroads or the planting of vineyards, the outset question often posed past those involved was whose body they had found. They raised the question of whether the deceased were peradventure Franks or Romans or Burgundians, something they idea might be determined by the kinds of artifacts found with the dead. Typically, weaponry was seen as a sign of a Germanic burial whereas the lack of weaponry might be a Roman. (Today, similar efforts are launched with the assistance of DNA studies of the skeletal remains in these same graves).

The difficulty, of course, in pursuing this line of research is that it assumes that ethnicity was something biological and fixed, rather than being one of an array of identities expressed by every individual over the form of his or her lifetime; some of these facets of identity, like ethnicity, may have been mutable depending upon the circumstances. We thus need to avoid the type of questioning that brings with it many implicit assumptions not just near early on medieval graves simply early medieval society more than generally. These specific concerns likely reflect the concerns of 19th century CE historians more than they practice the inhabitants of early medieval society.

Finally, to come back to your question, I would argue that mortuary archaeology does not offer evidence particularly well suited to agreement the nature of entities as big and every bit baggy as early medieval kingdoms. Rather, graves provide united states of america with bear witness meliorate suited to revealing intimate details about individuals and the communities to which they belonged. Namely, I would suggest, as has the archaeologist Frans Theuws (who in turn borrowed the phrase from the medieval historian Lynda Coon), that it is helpful to think virtually burials as "sacred fictions." In other words, graves provide snapshots of the manner in which the living wished to call back the dead. If a family had access to wealth, they might want to bury a loved one in a fashion that reflected condition or connections. If it was a much cherished child who died, parents might want to lay their babe to rest with his or her favorite possessions or in a place they thought would keep him or her protected afterwards death. Our job is to effort to sort out the significance of the remaining symbols with the recognition that we may not empathise all of the circumstances that these items and rituals reflected.

JW: Dr. Effros, you accept also conducted extensive inquiry into the social significance of Merovingian burial rites. Initially, the Merovingians used the occasion of decease to brandish personal wealth and power past placing objets d'art, jewels, and weapons into graves and upon erected monuments. However, these practices eventually gave manner to Roman Cosmic Masses and prayers for the dead, which were performed by members of the clergy at churches. Why did this shift occur, and what do these changes suggest almost the evolution of Merovingian guild and personal piety?

BE: Burial rites are intrinsically conservative community; just equally today, they tend not to change drastically from generation to generation unless catastrophic circumstances like disease or war force burials to be performed in a hurried fashion or suspension the chain of the transmission of rituals between generations. In the case of the Early Eye Ages (c. 476-yard CE), information technology is clear that Christian conversion did non bring most a marked change in the manner in which the dead were laid to rest. We cannot tell from most early medieval graves whether the deceased was Christian or non, since there was no immediate shift in burying customs. The main exceptions are burials that occurred in churches or those that contained or were marked by objects or epitaphs with blatantly Christian references. For the most role, however, families connected to coffin their dead much as they had before conversion.

Essentially, I would explicate these circumstances by observing that priests were scarce bolt in the early medieval West exterior of cities; at rural cemeteries plant all across Europe, this meant that burying custom was conducted mainly by families and remained fairly stable in the era of Christian conversions. It was foremost in monastic houses and ecclesiastical communities that contemporary clerics began to consequence change. At such sites, nosotros can see surviving burying markers and tombs decorated with crosses and know that Masses were celebrated for the dead. It is likely hither that lay élites saw the attractiveness of being buried with Christian items. While many still opted to exist buried (even in churches) with a wealth of grave appurtenances, others adopted the language of a loftier condition Christian burial which could involve non-traditional symbols, locations, and community for that region.

It would notwithstanding be many centuries, one-time betwixt the 8th and tenth century CE (depending upon region), before the Church was in a position to prevent certain burying community like mounds and developed sectional cemeteries for Christians. It is besides likely (but not easily confirmed) for much of the early on Middle Ages that a specifically Christian liturgy was not performed as a thing of course for the majority of Christians at the fourth dimension of their burials.

JW: Archeology — mortuary or otherwise — rarely provides us with detailed information about identifiable persons. However, there was a recent exhibition in Frankfurt am Main, Deutschland that showcased exquisite burial objects, which included drinking cups, horns, and glasses belonging to several Merovingian queens.

Can you annotate briefly on the powerful function of Merovingian queens and the symbolism of the kinds of objects with which they were buried? At the same fourth dimension, why was the chore of being a queen potentially so dangerous?

BE: Indeed, both the luxury objects deposited in the few royal graves that have been identified in the last century and historical descriptions of these women, demonstrate that Merovingian queens were ofttimes honored by their contemporaries. Others were non. Let us look at the mixed reputations of Merovingian queens known from the historical accounts of authors such as Gregory of Tours.

Clothild (d. 545 CE), the Burgundian wife of Clovis I (c. 466-511 CE), was credited by Gregory of Tours equally having helped convince her pagan husband to catechumen to Cosmic Christianity. Afterward her husband's death in 511 CE, she retired to Tours, where she paid her respects to the relics of Saint Martin. For her contributions, Clothild later gained recognition equally a saint. Although her grave has never been located (it is idea to rest somewhere under the road that runs in front of the Pantheon in Paris, once the site of a church dedicated to Saint Genevieve), we tin be quite certain that it contained an of import assemblage of goods as was typical of high status graves in this era.

Becoming queen nether the right circumstances could elevate women of less than desirable backgrounds or circumstances to great heights. Such was the example of Radegund (d. 587 CE), a Thuringian princess taken captive by Clothar I (c. 497-561 CE); when she reached her teens, Clothar married Radegund and made her queen. Eventually she fled her purple spouse, who obviously kept several wives or concubines simultaneously, to found a monastery in Poitiers, France. Even after leaving her husband, the onetime queen maintained a powerful network that allowed her to negotiate with the Byzantine Emperor for a relic of the Holy Cantankerous for her cloister. She received a prominent burial equally a saint and miracle worker at her monastery in Poitiers.

Likewise, the possibly loftier-born, Anglo-Saxon slave Balthild (d. 680/1 CE) became queen after her marriage to Clovis Ii (637-655 CE). She exercised enormous ability during her reign, particularly after she was widowed, when she acted as regent to her son, Clothar, for nearly a decade. However, after her son came of historic period, she appears to have been forced to bring together the majestic foundation of Chelles for the remainder of her life. Equally a outcome of her monastic vows and lifestyle — recorded in a saint's Life — she was considered a saint both past the Merovingians and Carolingians (751-987 CE). Amidst the relics preserved of the queen is the richly embroidered "chemise" or shirt that she was said to have worked during her lifetime; it was decorated with a serial of necklaces that resemble the clothing of the Byzantine Empress Theodora (c. 500-548 CE) as portrayed in the mosaics of late antique Ravenna, Italy.

However, nosotros must not forget that aloof marriages were often the production of temporary political alliances, and women (and their children) often became the victims of these arrangements when they were no longer desirable or profitable. The Visigothic princess Galswinth (540-568 CE), the sister of Queen Brunhilda of Austrasia (c. 543-613 CE), for instance, was brought to Gaul from Kingdom of spain to marry King Chilperic (539-584 CE) in 567 CE. According to Gregory of Tours, soon later on their spousal relationship, the hapless Galswinth was strangled in her bed, and Chilperic lost little time in marrying his mistress Fredegund (who, information technology was alleged, afterwards murdered him). Even politically savvy (and no dubiety ruthless) queens similar Brunhild, a lifelong enemy of Fredegund (d. 597 CE), could non outwit the odds forever. According to the Liber Historiae Francorum, the Austrasian queen faced a cruel execution after Clothar finally managed to reunite the Merovingian kingdoms.

It is thus clear that Merovingian queens faced daunting challenges and swell dangers as a upshot of their powerful positions. There is no doubt that holding onto the status and authority they gained through arranged marriages, which was enhanced particularly after the death of their spouses and earlier their offspring reached the age of majority, was not an easy task.

JW: Following the death of Clovis I, at that place were frequent and bloody clashes between his descendants. These recurrent hostilities weakened royal ability, which permitted the Merovingian aristocracy to obtain enormous concessions in render for their support.

Eventually, the kings lost their political authority to officials known vaguely as maiores palatii ("great men of the palace"). Bated from issues of royal inheritance, which historical factors immune this breakdown of ability to occur?

BE: Our picture of especially the Merovingian menstruation is shaped by the ideological objectives of the historians who wrote about the early on Frankish kingdoms. Thus, when talking about the early Merovingian monarchs, Gregory of Tours catered his narrative to fit a larger objective of showing God's penalisation of those who transgressed Christian constabulary. As noted past the historian Walter Goffart, this ways that what many of us know as The History of the Franks was not chosen that past its writer; Gregory instead intended his Histories as a piece of work of Christian universal history. Consequently, we must be wary of assuming that it is an accurate and objective work of historical writing.

As y'all noted above, the problematic nature of historical works dated from the Carolingian period is fifty-fifty more pronounced, since historians like the author of the Chronicle of Fredegar were eager to demonstrate how the Merovingian kings — characterized equally the "do-nothing kings" — had lost their right to dominion. Such works served to justify the Carolingian takeover of the throne in the 2nd half of the 8th century CE. These sources therefore seriously cloud our ability to sort out what caused the weakening of purple power at the finish of the Merovingian dynasty.

We can nonetheless exist certain that no unmarried factor in isolation only rather a combination of factors led to the eventual demise of the Merovingians. Among the causes of their eroding power base of operations were the repeated (and disputed) divisions of the kingdoms among royal heirs (in the absenteeism of the custom of primogeniture), dissentious conflict between the Austrasian and Neustrian kingdoms in Frankish-controlled territory, decentralization of authority once belonging to kings in favor of the aristocracy, and the ascent power of the mayors of the palace who met many of the royal obligations that the Merovingian kings could not or would not fulfill on their own.

JW: In your latest work, Uncovering the Germanic Past: Merovingian Archeology in France, 1830-1914, you lot motion into the era of the French Industrial Revolution. As French industrialists laid railroad lines and commenced expansive quarrying operations, Frankish artifacts were routinely discovered, casting doubts upon the "Gaulish" origins of the French nation.

What prompted your interest in the discoveries made by these French archaeologists, and what unique insights tin can yous share with the states? Given Franco-High german rivalry, before and subsequently the Fin de siècle, I would not exist surprised that many would have liked to suppress such finds!

BE: Thank you for asking, James! I was drawn to this project afterward visiting European museums of Merovingian artifacts; I wondered why they organized their collections as they did, and how these objects came to their institutions (or those further afield, like the Metropolitan Museum of Art). I likewise asked why so many pieces lacked firm provenance. This opened up for me a new globe of 19th century CE antiquarianism and archaeology, which really lit my imagination.

What I discovered was the complex network created by local archaeologists and historians that existed in the form of learned societies all across France (and in fact across Western Europe). Equally there was no formal archaeological training in this menstruum, all involved were amateurs and tried to make sense of finds made in their metropolis or region (or fifty-fifty in their backyards). Many were very invested in heightening pride in the past of their region.

As you lot notation rightly, notwithstanding, in the instance of Merovingian artifacts (which were interpreted every bit Germanic finds, whether Frankish, Burgundian, or Visigothic), these were the source of great interest locally merely were embraced less eagerly by central French authorities and academics, who were not pleased to see how widely the presence of these "invaders" was felt in France in the migration period. Equally a result, many academics ignored evidence of Merovingian finds in favor of Celtic and Gallo-Roman textile of the preceding epoch. This was the example not only in the 19th century CE, but the early 20th century CE when the French plant themselves on numerous times at war with their German neighbors.

Thus, what truly fascinated me was the way in which French historians opted to turn their backs on inconvenient remains discovered by amateurs that challenged their narrative of France's Gallo-Roman beginnings. German historians, by contrast, did not ignore these finds and catalogued them assiduously based on the publications of French learned societies dating back over a century. In the absenteeism of a French narrative of the significance of these remains, German language scholars substantially had a free hand to interpret these artifacts and cemeteries every bit they saw fit.

JW: Earlier concluding our interview, I wanted to make a betoken of request you what is the legacy of the Merovingians and why should nosotros continue to written report them? Forgive me for any impertinence in asking this question as well, but which "Merovingian" topics would you most similar research in the future?

BE: In that location are many reasons why one might want to written report the Merovingians. For me — at least in the case of my most recent book — I recall they have dandy relevance to understanding Franco-German relations in the past century and a one-half. German language scholars and politicians, for instance, used alleged finds of Franks to justify the invasion of Alsace-Lorraine in 1870 CE, stating that the region had been settled by Germanic peoples since fourth dimension immemorial. As you tin imagine, the same argument resurfaced to the e of the Rhine during the First and Second Earth Wars. Therefore, work on the Merovingians can tell us much most not just the Early Middle Ages but our own time every bit well.

My piece of work on the history of Merovingian archeology has in fact led me away, at least briefly, from the Merovingians; my current projection is looking at French excavations in Algeria post-obit the invasion of Due north Africa in 1830 CE. I am interested in how colonial excavations of famous Roman ruins like Timgad and Lambaesis helped the French justify their presence in North Africa, since they argued that they were following in the footsteps of the Roman army. Similarly, classical remains helped future generations of French settlers identify with something familiar in their adopted state.

JW: I cheers and then much for speaking with the states. Nosotros await your next study with anticipation and capeesh having the opportunity to share your expertise! We wish you many happy adventures in research.

BE: Many thank you for this opportunity! I enjoyed it a lot!

Image credits:

1. Map of Merovingian territories. Permission is granted to re-create, distribute and/or modify this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License, Version 1.two or any afterwards version published by the Free Software Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front end-Cover Texts, and no Back-Cover Texts. Image created by Rudric, 2008.
2. A 7th century CE noblewoman named Clotilde ("Chlodechildis") endowed a monastery at Bruyères-le-Châtel near to Étampes, France. This is the original charter. Among the signatories was Bishop Agilbert of Paris, formerly Bishop of the West Saxons, whose concluding recorded act this is. The document is dated 10 March 673 CE. Access to the original document is restricted and microfilm copies only may be consulted. ARCHIM, French Ministry of Culture, Reference #: 00000277. This image is a true-blue photographic reproduction of an original 2-dimensional work of art. The work of art itself is in the public domain because its copyright has expired.
3. Bees in gold belonging to King Childeric I (c. 440-481/82 CE). Caput and throat are in gold, while the wings are encrusted in garnet. Bibliothèque nationale de France. This work is in the public domain in the Usa, and those countries with a copyright term of life of the author plus 100 years or less. Prototype created by Romain0, 9 September 2011.
4. Belt plaques from the finery set of Queen Aregund (c. 515–573 CE), wife of Clotaire I (511–561 CE). Merovingian Gaul; silver, glass paste, and garnet. Deposited to Louvre Museum past National Museum of Antiquities in Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France. This image is in the public domain in the United States because it was published earlier January 1, 1923. Image created by Jastrow, 2006.
5. Pair of fibulae from the finery set of Queen Aregund (c. 515–573 CE), wife of Clotaire I (511–561 CE). Merovingian Gaul; gold and garnets, c. 570 CE. Found in a tomb of Saint-Denis in 1959. On deposit from the National Museum of Antiquities in Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France. This image was released into the public domain and this applies worldwide. Prototype created past Jastrow, 2006.
6. Cover of Merovingian sarcophagus at the Musée de Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France. This file is licensed under the Creative Eatables Attribution-Share Akin three.0 Unported license. Epitome created past Uploadalt, 2007.
7. The basilica and onetime monastic church of Saint-Pierre-aux-Nonnains in Metz, French republic. This building is indexed in the Base Mérimée, a database of architectural heritage maintained by the French Ministry of Culture, under the Reference # PA00106812. This image is licensed under the Artistic Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported license. Image created past Mr. Marc Ryckaert (MJJR), xi July 2011.

Dr. Bonnie Effros is a Professor of History and the Rothman Chair and Director of the Center for the Humanities and the Public Sphere at the Academy of Florida, where she has taught since 2009. She is the author of Caring for Body and Soul: Burying and the Afterlife in the Merovingian Earth (1998), Creating Community with Nutrient and Drink in Merovingian Gaul (2002), Merovingian Mortuary Archaeology and the Making of the Middle Ages (2003), and Uncovering the Germanic Past: Merovingian Archaeology in France, 1830-1914 (2012). Dr. Effros earned her Ph.D. in history at UCLA (1994), where she specialized in the European Centre Ages. Previously, Dr. Effros taught at the University of Alberta, where she held an Izaak Walton Killam Memorial Postdoctoral Fellowship in the Department of History and Classics; at Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville; and at Binghamton University, where she served equally Chair of the Department of History.

James Blake Wiener is the Communications Managing director of the Ancient History Encyclopedia, providing a continuous listing of must-read manufactures, exciting museum exhibitions, and interviews with experts in the field. Trained as a historian and researcher, and previously a professor of history, James is also a freelance writer who is keenly interested in cross-cultural exchange. Committed to fostering increased awareness of the aboriginal globe, James welcomes you to the Ancient History Encyclopedia, and hopes that yous find his news releases and interviews to be "illuminating."

All images featured in this interview have been attributed to their respective owners. Images lent to the Ancient History Encyclopedia, by Dr. Bonnie Effros, take been washed so as a courtesy for the purposes of this interview and are copyrighted. Translation of epitome captions from French to English was provided past Mr. James Blake Wiener. Special cheers is extended to Ms. Karen Barrett-Wilt. The views presented here are not necessarily those of the Ancient History Encyclopedia. All rights reserved. © AHE 2013. Please contact us for rights to republication.

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Source: https://etc.worldhistory.org/interviews/the-merovingians-the-lords-and-ladies-of-the-dark-ages/

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